You Are IN ME

Without you....

By RajaShree Patel

Acceptance is not practice. It is a state of mind - #Rajshree. 


No planning, strategising, organizing, rationalizing. Just saying yes to the immediacy of the moment. --#Rajshree

The moment you take your mind and agree to go towards the greater good, the universe arranges itself behind you. --#Rajshree

Salaam Anna Hazare ( By Sangeetha Prithudev)

Hum hein saath thumhare 

Dikhna hei hame sach ke savere

Achanchal hei mann hamara

Drudh hei viswas hamara

Ladenge saath mein vatan ke vaste

Hum hei saath thumhare

Salaam Hazare Salaam Hazare

We are with you

We need to see a morning of truth

We are determined

Our belief is firm

Will fight together for the homeland

We are with you

Salute Hazare

I borrowed this poem

Oh Guruji!
The mountains reflect Your grandeur and glory,
The sea, Your energy and activity,
The snow, Your pristine purity,
The rails and roads, Your connectivity,
The trees, Your ever green generosity,
The sun and moon, Your delicious warmth and beauty,
The rain, Your predictable unpredictability,
The wind, Your playful levity,
The sky, Your all encompassing Grace and Infinity…

A prayer

Give me not thirst if you cannot give me water. 

Give me not hunger if you cannot give me food.

Give me not joy if I cannot share. 

Give me not the skills if I cannot put them to good use. 

Give me not intelligence if I cannot perceive beyond it. 

Give me not knowledge if I cannot digest it. 

Give me not love if I cannot serve. 

Give me not desire that doesn't lead me to you. 

Give me not a path that doesn't take me home.

Give me not a prayer if you don't want to hear it. (Laughter)

Question : When you pray, to whom do you pray?

Sri Sri : To myself! In prayer the mind goes to its source, the Self. God, Guru, and the Self are the same.

Dean says : Give me not time if I don't know how to manage it. 

Daniel says : Gurudev says, "You're all out of time..." (Laughter)

"A Return to Love"

Our greatest fear is not that we are inadequate,
but that we are powerful beyond measure.

It is our light, not our darkness, that frightens us.
We ask ourselves, Who am I to be brilliant,
gorgeous, handsome, talented and fabulous?

Actually, who are you not to be?
You are a child of God.

Your playing small does not serve the world.
There is nothing enlightened about shrinking
so that other people won't feel insecure around you.

We were born to make manifest the glory of God within us.
It is not just in some; it is in everyone.

And, as we let our own light shine, we consciously give other people permission to do the same.
As we are liberated from our fear,
our presence automatically liberates others.

Marianne Williamson, from "A Return to Love"

Come to me

atixid

you are like ocean where there million things happening
you are just having too much fun
your laugh is like a wave lashing a shore
you are still and as well as extremely active
you have different colours
you support millions ,
your love is endless

Song from Bob Dylan - I like

How many roads must a man walk down
Before they call him a man.
How many seas must a white dove sail.
Before she sleeps in the sand.
How many times must the cannonballs fly

Before they are forever banned

The answer, my friend, is blowing in the wind

The answer is blowing in the wind



How many years must a mountain exist

Before it is washed to the sea

How many years can some people exist

Before they're allowed to be free

How many times can a man turn his head

And pretend that he just doesn't see


The answer, my friend, is blowing in the wind

The answer is blowing in the wind


How many times must a man look up

Before he can see the sky

How many years must one man have

Before he can hear people cry

How many deaths will it take till he knows

That too many people have died


The answer, my friend, is blowing in the wind

The answer is blowing in the wind

.... Bob Dylan

Collection - I

Time is a GIFT

om, saha nAvavatu [nau avatu],
saha nau bhunaktu,
saha vIryaM karvAvahai,
tejasvI nAvadhItamastu ...

“And though you were the foulest of sinners, this knowledge alone would carry you like a raft, over all your sin. The blazing fire turns wood to ashes: the fire of knowledge turns all karmas to ashes.” (Bhagavad Gita 4:36, 37)

“Everything in future will
improve if you are making
a spiritual effort now.”

—Sri Yukteswar

“ Though a man be soiled with the sins of a lifetime, let him but love me, rightly resolved, in utter devotion: I see no sinner, that man is holy. Holiness soon shall refashion his nature to peace eternal; O son of Kunti, of this be certain: the man that loves me, he shall not perish. (Bhagavad Gita 9:30, 31)

“The good is one thing; the pleasant is another. These two, differing in their ends, both prompt to action. Blessed are they that choose the good; they that choose the pleasant miss the goal.”
–Katha Upanishad 1:2:1

http://blog.atmajyoti.org/2008/04/choosing-between-the-good-and-the-pleasant/


"Hari Shree Gana Pathaye Namaha Aavighnamasthu"
!! Sarvey Bhavantu Sukhinah, Sarvey Santu Niramayaah,
Sarvey Bhadrani Pashyantu, Maa kaschit Dukkhabhag Bhavet !!
tvameva maataa cha pitaa tvameva |tvameva bandhushcha
sakhaa tvameva |tvameva vidyaa draviNaM tvameva
|tvameva sarvaM mama devadeva ||

sama (control of mind),
dama (control of the senses), uparati (turning away), titiksa (endurance)
and sraddha (faith)

Be happy for good people
Be friendly with happy people
BE compassionate with suffering people
Ignore the sinful people

There are ten attributes of dharma. They are: patience or courage,
forgiveness, self-restraint, non-stealing, purity, control of the
senses, thoughtfulness, knowledge, truthfulness and angerlessness.


read to improve thinking
read to learn from the best
read classic books
read diversely
read to find other perspectives

The Toyoda Precepts

1. Be contributive to the development and welfare of the country by working together, regardless of position, in faithfully fulfilling your duties.

2. Be ahead of the times through endless creativity, inquisitiveness and pursuit of improvement.

3. Be practical and avoid frivolity.

4. Be kind and generous; strive to create a warm, homelike atmosphere.

5. Be reverent, and show gratitude for things great and small in thought and deed.

Gita talks- Krishna 620, Arjuna 57,
Sanjaya- 67, Drutharashtra- 1- total 745


Guruji, you said earlier that the ego is useful for action. Is it possible to act without ego?
Sri Sri: Yes. An enlightened person will act without any ego.

See, praising a wise person is useless. They will anyway do good work. They will continue doing good work even if you blame them. Praise a fool -- that will pump up their ego and motivate them into doing good work. Have you noticed, the ego troubles ones own mind more than others?

How to love somebody you hate the most?
Sri Sri: First just accept that person. Just accept that they are incorrigible and will never change. Then understand that they are a victim themselves, of their circumstances and their ignorance. Compassion is the next step. See, step by step we have 1, 2, 3. Acceptance, understanding and love.

Q: What is the difference between skill and manipulation?
Sri Sri: Good question. In manipulation, the intentions are not that good. There is viciousness behind the action. In skill the intentions are clear and good. Manipulation leaves you with a guilty feeling. It will pinch you. When you are using your skill your conscience is clear. With manipulation there is dishonesty. You are dishonest to yourself and to the other person. When you are using skill there is honesty. And only you can know the difference! Others can't.

Also in chanting -- we will do chanting later today, we will chant sathyam param dhimahi a few times before meditation. It means let the ultimate truth dawn in my intellect. Beauty, truth and divinity. It is good to chant just before meditation.

Happiness lies in liking what you and not doing what you like.

You have to have smartness, intelligence, dynamism, and creativity along with honesty

Guruji has said this about meditation
A mind without agitation is meditation
A mind in the present moment is meditaion
A mind which has become no mind is meditation
A mind that has no hesitation is meditation
A mind that has no anticipation is meditation
A mind that has come back home to the source is meditaion

There is Guruji’s beautiful book called Space Within

love , compassion, sense of belongingness, sense of gratefulness and vision for everyone

Sathyam Bhruyaath
Priyam Bhruyaath
Mathbhruyaath sathyam apriyam
Priyam cha na anrutham bhruyaath

(Speak the truth, speak the soothing word,

Even if true, do not speak the harsh word,

Even if soothing, do not speak the untruth. )

I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be.

Text of Obama's speech in Cairo

I am honoured to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.

We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world - tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.

Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust.

So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end.

I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles - principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Quran tells us, Be conscious of God and speak always the truth. That is what I will try to do - to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.

'Islam, part of America'

Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.

As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam - at places like Al-Azhar University - that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.

I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims. And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Quran that one of our Founding Fathers - Thomas Jefferson - kept in his personal library.

So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.

But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words - within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: Out of many, one.

Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores - that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average.

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U.S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.

So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations - to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.

Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.

For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.

This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared.

That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.

On extremism

The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.

In Ankara, I made clear that America is not - and never will be - at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.

The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaida and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaida killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.

Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.

That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths - more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Quran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism - it is an important part of promoting peace.

We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon.

Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be.

Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future - and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.

So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.

On Israel and Palestine

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.

America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.

Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed - more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction - or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews - is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.

On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people - Muslims and Christians - have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations - large and small - that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.

(APPLAUSE)

For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers - for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.

(APPLAUSE)

That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them - and all of us - to live up to our responsibilities.

Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist.

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.

(APPLAUSE)

Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.

Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.

Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together.

(APPLAUSE)

... as in the story of Isra.

(APPLAUSE)

... as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed -- peace be upon them -- joined in prayer.

(APPLAUSE)

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.

(APPLAUSE)

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.

It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation - including Iran - should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.

On democracy

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.

(APPLAUSE)

I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other.

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.

There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments - provided they govern with respect for all their people.

This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.

On religious freedom

The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.

Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshipped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways.

Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld - whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.

(APPLAUSE)

And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.

Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit - for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.

Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action - whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.

On women's rights

The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.

(APPLAUSE)

I know...

(APPLAUSE)

I know, and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal. But I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality.

(APPLAUSE)

And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous.

Now let me be clear, issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead.

Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life and in countries around the world. I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.

(APPLAUSE)

Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity, men and women, to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal. And I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice.

That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.

First step towards new beginning

The issues that I have described will not be easy to address, but we have a responsibility to join together to behalf of the world that we seek, a world where extremists no longer threaten our people and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes, a world where governments serve their citizens and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together. I know there are many, Muslim and non-Muslim, who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort, that we are fated to disagree and civilizations are doomed to clash.

Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith in every country. You more than anyone have the ability to reimagine the world, the remake this world.

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart or whether we commit ourselves to an effort, a sustained effort to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children and to respect the dignity of all human beings.

It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is one rule that lies at the heart of every religion, that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.

(APPLAUSE)

This truth transcends nations and peoples, a belief that isn't new, that isn't black or white or brown, that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people. And it's what brought me here today.

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written. The Holy Quran tells us, Mankind, we have created you male and a female. And we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.

The Talmud tells us, The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.

The Holy Bible tells us, Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.

(APPLAUSE)

The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth.

Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much.

Thank you.

Source: AP

Twenty Special Secrets

1. When two people meet, the prize always goes to the one with the most self-insight. He will be calmer, more confident, more at ease with the other.

2. Never permit the behavior of other people to tell you how to feel.

3. Pay little attention to what people say or do. Instead, try to see their innermost motive for speaking and acting. (Now, apply this very same rule to yourself and you become an enlightened person!)

4. Any friendship requiring the submission of your original nature and dignity to another person is all wrong.

5. Mystically speaking, there is no difference between you and another person. This is why we cannot hurt another without hurting ourselves, nor help another without helping ourselves.

6. When we are free of all unnecessary desires toward other people, we can never be deceived or hurt.

7. You take a giant step toward psychological maturity when you refuse to angrily defend yourself against unjust slander. For one thing, resistance disturbs your own peace of mind.

8. You understand others to the exact degree that you really understand yourself. Work for more self-knowledge.

9. Do not be afraid to fully experience everything that happens to you in your human relations, especially the pains and disappointments. Do this, and everything becomes clear at last.

10. The individual who really knows what it means to love has no anxiety when his love is unseen and rejected.

11. If you painfully lose a valuable friend, do not rush out at once for a replacement. Such action prevents you from examining your heartache and breaking free of it.

12. Do not be afraid to be a nobody in the social world. This is a deeper and richer truth than appears on the surface.

13. Every unpleasant experience with another person is an opportunity to see people as they are, not as we mistakenly idealize them. The more unpleasant the other person is, the more he can teach you.

14. You can be so wonderfully free from a sense of injury and injustice that you are surprised when you hear others complain of them.

15. We cannot recognize a virtue in another person that we do not possess in ourselves. It takes a truly loving and patient person to recognize those virtues in another.

16. Do not mistake desire for love. Desire leaves home in a frantic search for one gratification after another. Love is at home with itself.

17. There are parts of you that want the loving life and parts that do not. Place yourself on the side of your positive forces; do all you can to aid and encourage them.

18. You must stop living so timidly, from fixed fears of what others will think of you and of what you will think of yourself.

19. Do not contrive to be a loving person; work to be a real person. Being real is being loving.

20. The greatest love you could ever offer to another is to so transform your inner life that others are attracted to your genuine example of goodness.

Excellence is not a singular act, but a habit. You are what you repeatedly do

SOME REAL PEARLS...

You are strong...when you take your grief and teach it to smile.
You are brave...when you overcome your fear and help others to do the same.
You are happy...when you see a flower and are thankful for the blessing.
You are loving...when your own pain does not blind you to the pain of others.
You are wise...when you know the limits of your wisdom.
AND
You are true...when you admit there are times you fool yourself!!

Subsidy by Shankar Acharya

Shankar Acharya:Subsidies to perdition
A PIECE OF MY MIND
Shankar Acharya / New Delhi July 10, 2008, 0:48 IST

Recent months have seen much concern and calls for action to contain the burgeoning subsidies for food, fertilizer and fuel. For 2008/9 these subsidies are projected at 1, 2 and 3 (at least) percent of GDP, respectively (see my last column in BS, June 26). You could call it the "other" 1-2-3 agreement of the political executive! Actually, our penchant for subsidies is not a recent phenomenon. The habit is nearly six decades old and thrives despite pretty overwhelming evidence on its ruinous economic cost and general ineffectiveness. Just consider the following.

Electric Power:Subsidies for power have been a hardy perennial. Despite all kinds of executive and legislative efforts to minimise them, gross subsidies on electricity sales by state electricity boards rose to over Rs. 43,000 crore in 2007/8 or nearly one percent of GDP. Over two-thirds is accounted for by sales to agriculture and the rest is for domestic use. And what has the long history of power subsidies got us other than financially parlous power utilities, weak state finances and over-priced supply to industry and commerce? Well, the other unfortunate results include: the tortuous history of guarantees and counter-guarantees (remember Enron-Dabhol?); perennial power deficits, including a record peak power deficit of 15 percent in 2007/8; massive disruption to medium and small scale industry and commerce; over-use of groundwater and sinking water tables; and routine "load shedding" all over the country, including in the capital city of this "emerging economic super-power".

Irrigation: The second largest subsidy item in most state budgets is for irrigation water. Except for Gujarat and Maharashtra, water charges in irrigation schemes cover only a fraction of O&M costs, let alone the massive investments undertaken over decades in dams and canals. As a result, maintenance is poor and the irrigation potential of existing schemes is seriously under-utilised. Combined with sinking water tables, much of Indian agriculture is subject to water stress, leading to low productivity and weak growth. And, as we all know, these problems are hitting home this year through higher inflation.

Urban Water Supply: Under-pricing and subsidies are rampant here as well. Unlike in most of the world, Indian cities and towns are unable to supply water from the mains 24x7. Water and sanitation utilities are chronically under-financed, under-repaired and under-invested. The well-to-do invest in tanks and pumps to solve the supply problems and filter/boil to improve quality. Slum-dwellers are lucky if they can access piped sources and still suffer the health hazards of contamination. Many buy water from "informal" water-sellers at high prices. So, most of the subsidy goes to the rich and middle classes.

Fertilizers:Another hardy perennial in India's subsidy jungle, this one is borne by the central budget and is mostly focused on urea. Despite the recommendations of a long and distinguished lineage of "High-Powered Committees", the price-control-cum-subsidy regime has persisted. So has the severe damage to soil quality from over-use of nitrates relative to potassium and phosphates. It has also discouraged new investment, with hardly any new capacity being created in the last 20 years. This leads to serious problems in periods of global scarcity, as at present.

Higher Education:Public universities and related institutions subsist on government subsidies, since absurdly low fees have not been revised in several decades. The predictable results have been inexorable decline in physical infrastructure and the quality of faculty. The problems are compounded by caste-based reservations. The rich have opted out of the system and send their youngsters to foreign universities (charging fees many multiples higher) or a small number of private, "non-profit" institutions. The less well-off have no option. Reform has been blocked by vested interests and misguided political leadership. Overall, the system is in crisis and bodes ill for India in this knowledge-based century.

Petroleum Products: The story of the huge oil subsidies needs no retelling. Aside from the massive damage to public sector oil companies and ballooning fiscal deficits, the price-subsidy structure is encouraging excessive "dieselization" of the economy, rampant adulteration of diesel with even cheaper kerosene (with resultant damage to the environment) and delayed adjustment to the inevitable.

Foodgrains:Arguably, the PDS-related food subsidy has had some successes, especially in its early years, in enhancing consumption and welfare of the urban poor. But, as the PDS administration has worsened over time (in step with the general administration), diversion, pilferage, mis-targeting and other forms of leakage have mounted. In any case, the distribution system only works moderately effectively in perhaps five states, which exclude the poorest and most populous, such as UP and Bihar.

There are many other examples. But the general point is clear enough. Some of India's worst performing sectors are those marked by the witches' brew of public supply, price controls and subsidies. It's impossible to think of a major sector with high subsidies which is performing well. In sharp contrast, just consider some of India's best performing sectors such as IT, telecom, pharmaceuticals, auto components, two-wheelers and entertainment (TV, films, etc.). None of these rely on subsidies. Most of the Indian manufacturing sector depended on "subsidies" of a different kind for several decades up to the early 1990s. High tariffs and import controls protected manufacturing units from cheaper imports and the Indian consumer paid the "subsidy" through inflated prices for domestic manufactures. As trade protection was gradually and systematically reduced throughout the next 15 years, these "subsidies" disappeared. Indian industry didn't collapse. On the contrary, it became much more efficient, resilient and dynamic. Again the lesson is clear: wean sectors off their subsidy crutches and they perform much better.

The different histories of two infrastructure sectors, power and telecom, is also instructive. The prolonged history of a subsidy culture (and virtual state monopoly over distribution) ensured the permanent semi-crisis in India's electric power sector. In contrast, the equally long-standing telecom public monopoly was not associated with a subsidy culture (except for a limited number of netas and babus). So, when the sector was opened up in the mid-1990s to private players and new mobile technologies, there was no burden of a subsidy culture blocking its progress. And we have all benefited from the astonishing growth and technical change ushered in by Indian entrepreneurs and companies in this key infrastructure sector.

The lesson is clear: subsidies (usually linked to public provision) pave the road to perdition. If we want to rescue India's poorly-performing sectors, we have to free up prices, phase out subsidies and allow free entry. It has worked before. It will work again.

The author is Honorary Professor at ICRIER and former Chief Economic Adviser to Government of India.

From Jiddu - Pleasure always brings pain;

I have to read this multiple times to understand

Pleasure always brings pain; it is a fact There is a vast difference between pleasure and love. Consider it for a minute. All our relationships between man and woman, between ourselves and each other, is based on pleasure. And, pleasure always
brings pain;

it is a fact. And, where there is pleasure, there is no love. Love is not a process of thinking; love is not the result of a thought, whereas pleasure is. If you understand that—not intellectually, verbally reasoned out — if you see the fact that pleasure destroys love, and where there is pleasure there is no joy; if you see very clearly that you function on pleasure, that all your activity, all your thinking, all your

being — including your gods — everything is based on pleasure which is the result of thought; if you see that it is thought which gives continuity to pleasure, which is desire; and, if you see this whole structure, then

where does fear come in at all?


:::::Collected Works, Vol. XVI – 62 – Jiddu Krishnamurti.

subsidy by shankar acharya

Shankar Acharya:Subsidies to perdition
A PIECE OF MY MIND
Shankar Acharya / New Delhi July 10, 2008, 0:48 IST

Recent months have seen much concern and calls for action to contain the burgeoning subsidies for food, fertilizer and fuel. For 2008/9 these subsidies are projected at 1, 2 and 3 (at least) percent of GDP, respectively (see my last column in BS, June 26). You could call it the "other" 1-2-3 agreement of the political executive! Actually, our penchant for subsidies is not a recent phenomenon. The habit is nearly six decades old and thrives despite pretty overwhelming evidence on its ruinous economic cost and general ineffectiveness. Just consider the following.

Electric Power:Subsidies for power have been a hardy perennial. Despite all kinds of executive and legislative efforts to minimise them, gross subsidies on electricity sales by state electricity boards rose to over Rs. 43,000 crore in 2007/8 or nearly one percent of GDP. Over two-thirds is accounted for by sales to agriculture and the rest is for domestic use. And what has the long history of power subsidies got us other than financially parlous power utilities, weak state finances and over-priced supply to industry and commerce? Well, the other unfortunate results include: the tortuous history of guarantees and counter-guarantees (remember Enron-Dabhol?); perennial power deficits, including a record peak power deficit of 15 percent in 2007/8; massive disruption to medium and small scale industry and commerce; over-use of groundwater and sinking water tables; and routine "load shedding" all over the country, including in the capital city of this "emerging economic super-power".

Irrigation: The second largest subsidy item in most state budgets is for irrigation water. Except for Gujarat and Maharashtra, water charges in irrigation schemes cover only a fraction of O&M costs, let alone the massive investments undertaken over decades in dams and canals. As a result, maintenance is poor and the irrigation potential of existing schemes is seriously under-utilised. Combined with sinking water tables, much of Indian agriculture is subject to water stress, leading to low productivity and weak growth. And, as we all know, these problems are hitting home this year through higher inflation.

Urban Water Supply: Under-pricing and subsidies are rampant here as well. Unlike in most of the world, Indian cities and towns are unable to supply water from the mains 24x7. Water and sanitation utilities are chronically under-financed, under-repaired and under-invested. The well-to-do invest in tanks and pumps to solve the supply problems and filter/boil to improve quality. Slum-dwellers are lucky if they can access piped sources and still suffer the health hazards of contamination. Many buy water from "informal" water-sellers at high prices. So, most of the subsidy goes to the rich and middle classes.

Fertilizers:Another hardy perennial in India's subsidy jungle, this one is borne by the central budget and is mostly focused on urea. Despite the recommendations of a long and distinguished lineage of "High-Powered Committees", the price-control-cum-subsidy regime has persisted. So has the severe damage to soil quality from over-use of nitrates relative to potassium and phosphates. It has also discouraged new investment, with hardly any new capacity being created in the last 20 years. This leads to serious problems in periods of global scarcity, as at present.

Higher Education:Public universities and related institutions subsist on government subsidies, since absurdly low fees have not been revised in several decades. The predictable results have been inexorable decline in physical infrastructure and the quality of faculty. The problems are compounded by caste-based reservations. The rich have opted out of the system and send their youngsters to foreign universities (charging fees many multiples higher) or a small number of private, "non-profit" institutions. The less well-off have no option. Reform has been blocked by vested interests and misguided political leadership. Overall, the system is in crisis and bodes ill for India in this knowledge-based century.

Petroleum Products: The story of the huge oil subsidies needs no retelling. Aside from the massive damage to public sector oil companies and ballooning fiscal deficits, the price-subsidy structure is encouraging excessive "dieselization" of the economy, rampant adulteration of diesel with even cheaper kerosene (with resultant damage to the environment) and delayed adjustment to the inevitable.

Foodgrains:Arguably, the PDS-related food subsidy has had some successes, especially in its early years, in enhancing consumption and welfare of the urban poor. But, as the PDS administration has worsened over time (in step with the general administration), diversion, pilferage, mis-targeting and other forms of leakage have mounted. In any case, the distribution system only works moderately effectively in perhaps five states, which exclude the poorest and most populous, such as UP and Bihar.

There are many other examples. But the general point is clear enough. Some of India's worst performing sectors are those marked by the witches' brew of public supply, price controls and subsidies. It's impossible to think of a major sector with high subsidies which is performing well. In sharp contrast, just consider some of India's best performing sectors such as IT, telecom, pharmaceuticals, auto components, two-wheelers and entertainment (TV, films, etc.). None of these rely on subsidies. Most of the Indian manufacturing sector depended on "subsidies" of a different kind for several decades up to the early 1990s. High tariffs and import controls protected manufacturing units from cheaper imports and the Indian consumer paid the "subsidy" through inflated prices for domestic manufactures. As trade protection was gradually and systematically reduced throughout the next 15 years, these "subsidies" disappeared. Indian industry didn't collapse. On the contrary, it became much more efficient, resilient and dynamic. Again the lesson is clear: wean sectors off their subsidy crutches and they perform much better.

The different histories of two infrastructure sectors, power and telecom, is also instructive. The prolonged history of a subsidy culture (and virtual state monopoly over distribution) ensured the permanent semi-crisis in India's electric power sector. In contrast, the equally long-standing telecom public monopoly was not associated with a subsidy culture (except for a limited number of netas and babus). So, when the sector was opened up in the mid-1990s to private players and new mobile technologies, there was no burden of a subsidy culture blocking its progress. And we have all benefited from the astonishing growth and technical change ushered in by Indian entrepreneurs and companies in this key infrastructure sector.

The lesson is clear: subsidies (usually linked to public provision) pave the road to perdition. If we want to rescue India's poorly-performing sectors, we have to free up prices, phase out subsidies and allow free entry. It has worked before. It will work again.

The author is Honorary Professor at ICRIER and former Chief Economic Adviser to Government of India.

The Purpose of Life is a LIFE OF PURPOSE

A View About Life

A group of alumni, highly established in their careers, got together to visit their old university professor. Conversation soon turned into complaints about stress in work and life. Offering his guests coffee, the professor went to the kitchen and returned with a large pot of coffee and an assortment of cups porcelain, plastic, glass, crystal, some plain looking, some expensive, some exquisite - telling them to help themselves to hot coffee.

When all the students had a cup of coffee in hand, the professor said: "If you noticed, all the nice looking expensive cups were taken up, leaving behind the plain and cheap ones. While it is but normal for you to want only the best for yourselves, that is the source of your problems and stress. What all of you really wanted was coffee, not the cup, but you consciously went for the best cups and were eyeing each other's cups.

Now if life is coffee, then the jobs, money and position in society are the cups. They are just tools to hold and contain Life, but the quality of Life doesn't change. Some times, by concentrating only on the cup, we fail to enjoy the coffee in it."

Don't let the cups drive you... Enjoy the coffee instead